Is Hindutva bringing Hinduism a bad name, and harming India’s interests? Do we need post-Hindutva schools of thought immediately?
Hindutva is a political ideology that also provides a
basis for Hindu nationalism and the desire to establish Hindu
hegemony within India. It is often associated with Hinduness, and
the state or the quality of being a Hindu with an interplay between cultural,
religious, and national identities. This ideology traces its roots to the
ideals of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar in 1922 in
reaction to the pan-Islamic Khilafat movement, and due to fears that Hindu
culture and Hindu values were being trampled upon by colonialists. It was
however used much earlier, in the 1890’s by Chandranath
Basu, and others. It has also been used extensively for political and
non-political purposes by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS),
the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP),
the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and
other similar or affiliated organisations, which are collectively referred to as the Sangh Parivar.
The RSS had been founded by Keshav
Baliram Hedgewar in 1925 who also operationalized most of its
activities at a grassroots level. For
Savarkar, in his work “Hindutva: Who Is a Hindu?”,
Hindutva is an inclusive term of everything Indic. The three essentials
of Hindutva in Savarkar's definition were the common nation (rashtra),
common race (jati), and common culture or civilisation (sanskriti). Savarkar
had also made a clear distinction between Hinduism and Hindutva, that they are
not same things as Hindutva does not concern religion or rituals but the basis
of India's national character. Savarkar himself was not overly religious, and
his ideas bordered on atheism.
Hindutva proponents also seek to
uphold Hindu values, and Hindu dharma. Some Hindutva proponents even go to the
extent of claiming that only adherents of Indian religions are true nationals,
and Christians and Muslims can be called Indians only if they accept Indian
culture in toto. There are varying levels of intensity within Hindutva, though
it is indeed true that extreme versions border on fascism. Many Hindutva
proponents have however mellowed down, and many have even begun to adopt a much
softer stance towards Muslims and other minorities. Critics of the Hindutva
ideology however allege that the movement bears some resemblance to European
fascist movements that were common in the early part of the twentieth century. It
is therefore a form of right-wing ethno nationalism, in tune with similar movements
in other parts of the world, they allege. Some critics also allege that the
term Hindu as it describes a religion is a relatively more recently constructed
term in reference to a geography, and is partially foreign in origin. It is
also a nebulous and a hazy concept, and is difficult to define with any degree
of precision.
According to Arvind Sharma,
a noted scholar of Hinduism, Hindutva has not been a "static and
monolithic concept", rather its meaning and context has gradually changed
over time. Its early formulation incorporated the racism and nationalism
concepts prevalent in Europe during the first half of the twentieth century,
and culture was in part designed on the basis of the concept of "shared
blood and race". Savarkar and his Hindutva colleagues also eventually adopted
the social Darwinism theories that were common
in the 1930s. After India’s independence, according to Arvind Sharma, the
concept has begun to suffer from a high degree of ambiguity and its
understanding has been aligned on "two different axes" – one of
religion versus culture, another of nation versus state. In general, the
Hindutva thought among many Indians has "tried to align itself with the
culture and nation" axes. Therefore, there are extreme variations in the
concept of the term today, right from the innocuous to the radical, and even
Hindutva proponents are sometimes not clear of the boundaries and the precise
connotations and implications of the term. Some Hindutva proponents are harmful
and fascist. Some others are mere mischief makers. Some are of course, utterly innocuous,
and may only be swimming with the tide.
There are also allegations in some
quarters that Hindutva is a form of Brahminism and neo-Brahminism associated
with Aryanism. According to Chetan Bhatt, Hindutva is nothing but a “dense
cluster of ideologies of primordialism”, and some concepts associated with
orientalism and romanticism also lent their weight and credence to Hindutva. These
statements and assertions may be partly true. While the RSS has actively
written against the caste system, and even promoted inter caste dining in the
1920’s, (the RSS is open to all members), it is indeed true that Brahmins
continue to be its most enthusiastic supporters. Hindutva groups have also attempted to rewrite
history infamously in the 2000’s drawing inspiration from the fact that the
historical models prevalent then, were indeed obsolete. Their justification was
also partly based on the biased interpretation of Indian history by some
colonialists. They however, went on to fallaciously emphasize Brahminical versions
of India. History. Some kind of an extremely innocuous form of Hindutva may be
tolerable, but extremely virulent versions must be chasticized. Hindutva groups
must not:
1.
Misrepresent history to suit a
narrow version of Hinduism, namely Brahminsm, or promote other altered forms of
history.
2.
Must not interfere with the inculcation
of a scientific temper, and the inculcation of scientific values. Also refer to
our works on twenty-first century intellectualism. Most Indians unfortunately do
not possess a scientific temper even to this day.
3.
Must not promote hatred against
other religious groups; however, all religions are open to criticism. There
must be a spirit of religious harmony at all times.
4.
Must not discriminate between
people of different faiths.
5.
Must not seek to override or overturn
the constitution, and values of fair justice.
6.
Religious values must not be
allowed to override universal human values.
7.
Must not otherwise, and in any other
way or fashion, interfere with internal or international peace and harmony.
Indian and Hindu culture, values and traditions may be allowed to flourish and
thrive if they do not trample upon other people’s rights.
If all these ideas are being compromised
with, we need to think twice, and think again. It is time to marshall all our
resources to ruminate and ponder how post-Hindutva schools of thought can be articulated
and concretized. After all, the interests of society must always reign supreme,
and must override all other considerations at all times.
Labels: Abhilasha: This is not utopia, Hinduism, Hindutva, Sujay Rao Mandavilli
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